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Business interests were the top bill-killers inside Californias Capitol during Gov. Jerry Browns first year back in office, as concerns about the states weak economy cut into labors newfound clout.

Legislative data show that business interests wielded strong influence despite a Capitol dominated by Democrats in the Legislature and governors office. Business lobbyists defeated bills that would have cut tax breaks, required employers to give workers unpaid bereavement leave and prolonged the foreclosure process.

In the current economy, all legislators are more sensitive to the argument that something would be a job killer or harmful for investment or expansion, said Dorothy Rothrock, a lobbyist for the California Manufacturers and Technology Association, which represents major businesses around the state. Thats made it easier for us to stop or amend bills to make them less hostile or burdensome.

Browns current term has been good for labor unions, too. They successfully pushed bills that limit the states ability to use private contractors, allow local governments to require union construction crews on public works projects and reduce the use of self-checkout lanes in grocery stores.

Business influence

But in the tug-of-war between the Capitols two power players, industry more than held its own. Business-related groups dominated the list of organizations with the most influence, according to a review of hundreds of bills.

The Sacramento Bee and California Watch examined the final analyses written by legislative staff for all 906 bills introduced this year that listed supporters and opponents. For each group whose stand was registered on at least 10 bills, the news organizations tallied the number of cases in which supporters bills were signed by the governor and opponents bills stalled or were vetoed. Either scenario counted as a win for that group.

While such a tally is imperfect – it does not assess all influence exerted under the dome – it captures the outcome of the legislative year for many who carry clout at the Capitol.

Interviews with dozens of key people confirmed a trend suggested by the numbers: The weak economy was a major factor as groups decided which bills to push and lawmakers made up their minds.

Angie Wei, a lobbyist for the California Labor Federation, said 2011 was better for workers than under any year under Arnold Schwarzenegger. Even so, Wei said, the states financial reality made her union less aggressive.

The labor group sponsored AB400, which would have required employers to provide paid sick days for their workers. But Wei said the union asked lawmakers to hold the bill in committee because we didnt think it was the right time to do it.

The business lobby wielded much of its influence through JobsPAC, a political action committee that collects millions from insurance, oil, tobacco, pharmaceutical and other companies to make independent expenditures in key races.

Last year, the committee spent $9.2 million statewide, a portion of it supporting candidates thought to be business-friendly in four key state Senate districts: Republicans Sam Blakeslee of San Luis Obispo and Anthony Cannella of Ceres (Stanislaus County) and Democrats Juan Vargas of San Diego and Lou Correa of Santa Ana (Orange County).

By sessions end, Blakeslee and Cannella voted the California Chamber of Commerces way on each of the 13 important business bills listed in the chambers scorecard. Correa went the chambers way 69 percent of the time, tops among Democrats.

Some groups that spend a lot on lobbying and political contributions show up on few bill analyses, making it hard to measure how much they win.

Private lobbying